Khalid Ibn Al-Waleed

by Dr Salah Zaimeche, BMHC

It was in the year 624 (CE), two years after the Hijra (emigration) to Medina, that the Muslim army, led by the Prophet (PBUH) defeated the army of Quraish at Badr. A year later, in 625, Quraish was ready to march against the Prophet, having put in the field an army of 3,000 men, including 200 horsemen, and about 1,000 men in heavy armour, advancing to the vicinity of Medina. 1 When the Prophet and his army came down the defile from Mount Uhud, at the head of the valley, he positioned his men and their mounts, and said: ‘Let no one begin fighting before I give the order to attack.’ 2 The Prophet organised the Muslims in a compact formation with a front of 1,000 yards. 3 He placed his right wing at the foot of the spur and his left wing at the foot of a low hill, about 40 feet high and 500 feet long, called Ainain. The Muslims’ right was safe, but their left could be turned from beyond Ainain. 4 So, to avert this danger, the Prophet placed 50 archers on Ainain from which they could command the approaches along which the Quraish could manoeuvre into the Muslim rear. 5 Quraish advanced in the form of a crescent; and the right wing of cavalry was led by Khalid Ibn Al-Waleed, the fiercest and most successful of the Arab warriors, but the Muslims were skilfully posted on the declivity of the hill, and the weight of the Muslim charge impelled and broke the centre of the idolaters. 6 Under strong Muslim assault, panic set in the Quraish ranks, and they fled in disorder, pursued by the Muslims.

As Quraish fled, and the Muslims entered their camp, the two mobile wings of Quraish stood firm, both Khalid and Ikrimah ibn Abi Jahl, their leaders, keeping their men under complete control, not permitting a single rider to retreat. 7 Khalid watched the confused situation, as he was, capable of a high degree of patience, waiting for an opportunity to strike. 8 It soon came. As the Muslim archers, tempted by the spoil, against the Prophet’s strict orders, left their positions, Khalid mounted a swift attack on the few archers who still remained, falling on them from the rear, crying aloud at the same time, that Mohammed was slain. This cry, and finding themselves attacked on all sides threw the Muslims into such consternation, that the idolaters caused great havoc among them, and were able to press on so near the Apostle as to beat him down with a shower of stones and arrows. 9 Mohammed was wounded in the lip, and two arrow-heads stuck in his face. Abu Ubaidah pulled out first one and then the other; at each operation one of his teeth came out. 10 In this action, it is said, Talhah, whilst he was putting a breast-plate upon Mohammed, received a wound upon his hand, which maimed it for ever. Omar and Abu Bakr were also wounded. Mohammed was alive, a great number of the faithful offered a very obstinate fight, brought him off, and carried him to a neighbouring village. 11 It was a terrible defeat for the Muslims, in which many lost their lives. ‘The Koreishites,’ Ockley says, ‘had no other fruit of their victory but the gratification of a poor spirit of revenge.’ 12 Hind, Abu Sufyan’s wife, and the women who had fled with her upon the first disorder of the idolaters, now returned, and committed great barbarities upon the dead bodies of Mohammed’s companions. Hind pulled Hamza’s liver out of his body, and chewed and swallowed some of it. 13 Abu Sufyan, having cut pieces off the cheeks of Hamza, put them upon the end of his spear, and cried out aloud: “The success of war is uncertain; after the battle of Badr comes the battle of Ohud; now, Hubal, thy religion is victorious.” 14 In this victory, it was Khalid’s contribution that played the major part.

The battle of Uhud, was followed by further encounters between the Muslims and the Quraish. In the wake of these battles, Khalid Ibn al-Waleed remained a hostile warrior leader, fighting against Islam, most notably in 627 at the so-called battle of the Trench, when Quraish besieged and sought to capture Medina before they were forced to raise their siege by a furious storm. 15

In 628, the Prophet passed with Quraish the treaty of Al-Hudeybiyah, which was to secure a ten years’ truce. For ten years there were to be no hostilities between the parties. 16

It was during the truce of al-Hudeybiyah that Khalid Ibn al-Waleed converted to Islam. One night Khalid took his armour, his weapons and his horse, and set out for Medina. On the way he met two others travelling in the same direction: ‘Amr Ibn Al-‘As (one of the future great generals of Islam, and the conqueror of Egypt) and Uthman Ibn Talha (son of the Quraish standard bearer at Uhud). All three were warmly welcomed by the Prophet; their past hostility to Islam was forgiven. 17

Soon Khalid’s military skills were used for the advancement of Islam. At the battle, which took place at Mu’tah (629), in today’s Jordan, the Muslims were repulsed in the first attack, and lost successively two generals: Zeyd and Jaafar. 18

‘Advance,’ cried Abd Allah Ibn Rawahah, who had stepped into the vacant place, ‘advance with confidence; either victory or paradise is our own.’ 19 The lance of a Roman put an end to his life; but the falling standard was rescued by Khalid, nine swords were broken in his hand; and his valour withstood and repulsed the superior numbers of the Christians. 20 Victory at length declared itself for the Muslims, and Khalid, whose skill and valour had so greatly contributed to insure it, had, as a reward, the honourable title of the ‘Sword of God,’ granted to him by the Prophet. 21

Following the Prophet’s death (in 632), Khalid turned his military skills to the cause of Islam under the first two rightly guided Caliphs, Abu Bakr (Caliph 632-4) and Omar (Caliph 634-644).

The short caliphate of Abu-Bakr was mostly occupied with the so-called Riddah (secession, apostasy) Wars. All Arabia outside of Hijaz, upon the Prophet’s death broke off from the newly organized state and followed a number of local and false prophets. 22 Khalid Ibn-al-Waleed was the hero of these wars. 23 First, he defeated the Tay; then the Asad and Ghatafan, whose false prophet, Talhah, the Muslims scoffingly called Tulayhah. The Muslims scored a great victory and scattered their enemies. Tulayhah himself escaped to Syria but later repented and was forgiven. His defeat left a great impact throughout Arabia. 24

The Banu Hanifah in al-Yamamah had gathered under the banner of a false prophet whose name was Musaylimah. It was he who offered the most stubborn resistance. 25 With thousands of men at his command, he crushed two Muslim armies. 26 Abu Bakr sent a force against him led amongst others by none other than Ikrimah ibn abi Jahl, ordering them to march direct to Yamamah, and sent Khalid after them, Khalid ‘the scourge of rebels, apostates, and false prophets.’ 27 The Banu Hanifah were cornered in a garden at Yamamah, and were killed to the last man. The encounter came to be known as the Battle of Yamamah (beginning 633). 28 This battle marked the decisive victory of the Muslim forces over the secessionists, and the return of the tribes under the central Islamic state

Soon after this battle, the scene of conflict transferred onto Persia.

In the spring of 633, Khalid came to join the local Muslim general Muthanna Ibn Harithah on the Euphrates with part of the forces he had led in the Apostasy Wars. 29 It was soon, in March 633, that the Muslims and Persians fought the great Battle of the Chains. Chains were often used by the Persian army to link men in battle. They were normally of four lengths, to link three, five, seven or ten men, and were supposed to act as a source of strength to the army. 30 The battle started in grand style with a duel between the two army commanders, Khalid and Hormuz. When Hormuz was killed, Khalid now ordered a general attack. After a fierce fighting, the Persians began to retreat, the retreat turned into a rout. Most of the Persians who were not chained managed to escape, but those who were chain-linked found their chains a death trap. Unable to move fast, they fell an easy prey to the victorious Muslims and were slain in great numbers.

Further military campaigns followed. At the Battle of Ullays, the same year, 633, the Muslims renewed their assaults with greater fury, and early in the afternoon the imperial army was shattered. Thousands lay dead, especially in, and on the bank of, the river. 31

In December 633, Khalid reached Firadh on the Syrian border. His arrival alarmed the Byzantine garrison, which in view of the common danger was joined by a Persian force, and the united armies advanced across the Euphrates to attack Khalid. 32 These armies represented empires which in the preceding two decades had fought each other, but now were united to battle the Muslims, and were joined in this purpose by many local Christian Arab clans. 33 On January 21, 634, Khalid was able to entice the allies across the Euphrates onto his side. 34 No sooner was their crossing complete than Khalid attacked them with his usual speed and violence. Their armies were shattered. 35

In the meantime, the Muslim armies engaged on the Byzantine front were being severely tested by a much greater Roman army. Heraclius, the Byzantine emperor, had sent reinforcements of 50,000 men, divided into corps of between 10 and 20,000 men, against the different Muslim armies (each of which consisted of about 7,000 men). 36 As they were attacked by this large force, the Muslims informed Abu Bakr, who then decided to dispatch Khalid from Iraq to Syria. 37

Thus was Khalid appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Muslim forces in Syria, with orders to join them, and unify them. 38 Khalid now set about the preparations for his famed march through the desert. On his march northwards from Quraqir to Suwa, Khalid was cut off from the inhabited area of Hauran by the volcanic ranges of the Jebel Hauran, now commonly called the Jebel al-Druze. Progressing north past Suwa, Khalid reached Palmyra. From thence, he moved in the south west direction. 39 With dramatic suddenness Khalid appeared in the neighbourhood of Damascus and directly in the rear of the Byzantine army after only eighteen days’ journey. 40 An engagement ensued at Marj Rahit, about fifteen miles east of Damascus, apparently on Easter Sunday 634. 41 From thence he turned southwards and skirting the slopes of the volcanic Jebel Hauran, he joined the remainder of the Muslim forces in Syria-Palestine at Deraa. 42

In Syria, before the arrival of Khalid, Abu ‘Ubaidah Ibn al-Jarrah, who had been an intimate of the Prophet himself, had been sent to the country by Abu Bakr. The suggestion seems to be that Abu ‘Ubaidah was appointed supreme commander over ‘Amr Ibn al-‘As, Yazeed Ibn Abi Sufyan, and Shurahbeel Ibn Hassanah, the three Muslim generals operating in various parts of the country, as well as in Palestine. 43 Abu ‘Ubaidah was a middle-aged, mild-mannered man, a conscientious and devoted Muslim and a just judge and administrator. 44 When Khalid arrived on the scene, Abu ‘Ubaidah agreed to his assumption of the supreme command. 45 Khalid for his part had performed great things considering the short time he had been in command. He had taken Hirah by storm, and several other places, unable to hold oat against a siege, had submitted to him, and paid tribute. 46 He had fought several battles with unfailing success, and without doubt would have pushed his conquest still further if he had not been recalled. When he came into Syria, he took very different measures from those, which had been adopted by his predecessor; and the soldiers found a great difference between a pious and a warlike general 47 Abu ‘Ubaidah was patient, meek, and religious; Khalid courageous and enterprising. 48

The first success of Khalid was in capturing the city of Bostrah. This is the abridged version by Ockley. Abu ‘Ubaidah had sent Shurahbeel Ibn Hasanah with four thousand horse towards Bostra, a city of Syria, and very populous, strongly defended, its army including 12,000 horsemen. Shurahbeel vainly tried to capture the city, and the Muslim army was about to be routed completely until Khalid appeared. His first concern was to refresh his men, whether those who had marched with him or those under Shurahbeel, for they were all extremely exhausted. Having ordered them all to rest, he himself took a fresh horse, and rode about all night, sometimes going round the city, and sometimes round the camp, for fear the besieged should make a sally, whilst his men were tired and out of order. On the day of battle, Khalid conversed with the Roman governor, Romanus, who had secretly become Muslim, to deliver the city to him peacefully. The citizens refused, ad so battle was joined. Here are Ockley’s words:

‘The townspeople having deprived him (Romanus) of his command, elected in his place the general of troops, which the emperor had sent to their assistance, and desired him to challenge Khalid to single combat. This he did; and when Khalid was preparing himself to accept it, Abd Errahman, the caliph’s (Abu Bakr’s) son, a very young man, but of extraordinary hopes, begged to be allowed to answer the challenge. Having obtained permission, he mounted his horse, and took his lance, which he handled with admirable dexterity, and when he came near the governor, he said, “Come, thou Christian dog, come on.” The combat having begun with great fury, the governor after a while finding himself defeated, ran away, and having a better horse than the Saracen, made his escape to the town. Abd Errahman, greatly annoyed at the escape of his enemy, fell upon the rest, charging now upon the right wing, and now upon the left, making way where he went. He was quickly followed by Khalid and the other officers, and the battle grew hot on all sides. The Saracens fought like lions, and Khalid their general still cried out, ” Alhamlah, Alhamlah, Aljannah, Aljannah;” that is “Fight, fight, paradise, paradise.”

The miserable inhabitants of Bostra, on their part, fought with the courage of desperation, for they were at their last struggle for their fortunes, their liberty, their religion, and whatsoever was dear to them, having now seen the last day dawn, in which they were ever to call anything their own, without renouncing their baptism. In the town itself all was uproar, the bells ringing, and the priests and monks running about the streets, making exclamations, and calling upon God, but all too late. His afflicting providence had determined to deliver them into the hands of their enemies. Khalid and Shurahbeel (for the Saracens could pray as well as fight, and England as well as Arabia has had some that could do so too) cried, “O God! these vile wretches pray with idolatrous expressions, and take to themselves another God besides thee; but we acknowledge thy unity, and affirm, that there is no other God but thee alone; help us, we beseech thee, for the sake of thy prophet Mohammed, against these idolaters.” The battle continued for some time; at last the poor Christians were forced to give way, and leave the field to the victorious Saracens, who lost only two hundred and thirty men. The besieged retired as fast as they could within the gates, and set up their banners and standards, with the sign of the cross upon the walls, intending to write speedily to the Grecian emperor for more assistance.’

…One night, Romanus came to Khalid and said ‘I will take care to deliver the town into your hands.” Upon this, Khalid immediately despatched Abd Errahmane with a hundred men, and ordered him, so soon as he had taken possession, to fall upon the Christians, and open the gates. Romanus, having conducted them to the wall, received them into his house; where, after he had entertained them, he brought every one of them a suit of clothes, similar to what the Christian soldiers were, and disguised them. Upon this, Abd Errahmane having divided his men into four companies, of five-and-twenty each, ordered them to go into different streets of the city, with orders, that as soon as they heard him, and those that were with him, cry out, “Allah Akbar,” they should do so too…. When Abd Errahmane killed the new governor who fought him in the duel, he cried out “Allah Akbar.” The Muslims who were below hearing it, did the same, as did those also who were dispersed about the streets, till the whole city rung with the cry ” Allah Akbar.”

Presently, the Muslims, who were disguised, having killed the guards, opened the gates, and let in Khalid with his whole army. The town being now entirely in their hands, the conquering Muslims fell upon the inhabitants, killing or making prisoners of all they met with. At last, the chief men of the city came out of their houses and churches, and yelled ‘Quarter, quarter!” Upon this Khalid immediately commanded his men to kill no more;” for,” said he ” the apostle of God used to say. If any one be killed after he has cried out ‘ quarter,’ it is none of my fault.” 49

Khalid now wrote to Abu ‘Ubaidah, to inform him with his success, and to bring whatever forces he had with him, that they might march together to the siege of Damascus. In mid-March 635, the Muslims arrived before Damascus.

The siege of Damascus probably began in the second half of March 635. Khalid, with a force of 5,000 men, camped outside the east gate. Abu ‘Ubaidah himself lay on the south-west of the city and the other commanders were each allotted a length of the walls. 50 Following the siege, Damascus fell to the Muslims late in the Summer of 635, probably in August or September 635. 51 The terms of surrender prescribed that every non-Muslim should pay a poll tax of one Dinar and one measure of wheat per year. 52

After their victory at Fahl, followed by the taking of Damascus, the forces of Abu ‘Ubaidah pushed on to seize Heraclius’ former base of operations at Hims, ancient Emesa. 53 The Muslim armies made further gains 54 This Muslim advance was to lead to the decisive moment and battle: The Battle of Al-Yarmuk. This is one of the many, but also one of the most detailed descriptions of this famous Muslim victory: 55

‘(Emperor) Heraclius, wearied with a constant and uninterrupted succession of ill news, which like those of Job, came every day treading upon the heels of each other; grieved at the heart to see the Roman empire, once the mistress of the world, now become the scorn and spoil of barbarian insolence, resolved, if possible, to put an end to the outrages of the Saracens once for all. With this view he raised troops in all parts of his dominions, and collected so considerable an army, as, since the first invasion of the Saracens, had never appeared in Syria…. The main body, which was designed to give battle to the whole force of the Saracens, was commanded by one Mahan, an Armenian, whom I take to be the very same that the Greek historians call Manuel. To his generals the emperor gave the best advice, charging them to behave themselves like men, and especially to take care to avoid all differences or dissensions. Afterwards, he expressed his astonishment at this extraordinary success of the Arabs, who were inferior to the Greeks, both in number, strength, arms, and discipline…

The army was soon marching south. Besides a vast army of Asiatics and Europeans, Mahan was joined by Al Jabalah Ibn Al Ayham, king of the Christian Arabs, who had under him sixty thousand men. These Mahan commanded to march always in the front, saying, that there was nothing like diamond to cut diamond….

The news of this great army having reached the Saracens whilst they were at Hims, filled them full of apprehensions, and put them to a very great strait as to the best course to pursue in this critical juncture…. Some proposed therefore to remain where they were, and wait the approach of the enemy. But Khalid disapproved of their remaining in their present position, as it was too near Cesarea, where Constantine, the emperor’s son, lay with forty thousand men; and recommended that they should march to Yarmuk, where they might reckon on assistance from the caliph. As soon as Constantine heard of their departure, he sent a chiding letter to Mahan, and bade him mend his pace.

Caliph Omar sent the Muslim army reinforcement, consisting of eight thousand men.

Both sides now prepared for that fight which was to determine the fate of Syria. The fighting lasted many days. At some point, the Romans charged so courageously, and with such vast numbers, that the right wing of the Muslim horse was quite borne down, and cut off from the main body of the army. But no sooner did they turn their backs than they were attacked by the women, who used them so ill, and loaded them with such plenty of reproaches, that they were glad to return every man to his post, and chose rather to face the enemy, than endure the storm of the women. However, they with much difficulty bore up, and were so hard pressed by the Romans…. Even Abu Sofian was forced to retreat, and was received by one of the women with a hearty blow over the face with a tent-pole. Night at last parted the two armies, at the very time when the victory began to incline to the Saracens, who had been twice beaten back, and as often forced to return by the women. Then Abu ‘Ubaidah said at once those prayers which belonged to two several hours. His reason for this was, I suppose, a wish that his men, of whom he was very tender, should have the more time to rest. Accordingly, walking about the camp he looked after the wounded men, often binding up their wounds with his own hands; telling them, that their enemies suffered the same pain that they did, but had not that reward to expect from God which they had.

Another day of fighting, and the Christian archers did such execution, that besides those Saracens which were killed and wounded in other parts, there were seven hundred which lost each of them one or both of their eyes, upon which account the day in which that battle was fought is called “The Day of Blinding.” And if any of those who lost their eyes that day were afterwards asked by what mischance he was blinded, he would answer that it was not a mischance, but a token of favour from God.’

Women too fought hard. Khaulah, Derar”s sister, being wounded, fell down; but Opheirah revenged her quarrel, and struck off the man’s head that did it. Upon Opheirah asking her how she did, she answered, “Very well with God, but a dying woman.” However, she proved to be mistaken, for in the evening she was able to walk about as if nothing had happened, and to look after the wounded men. 56

On the last evening of battle, the Muslim cavalry under the command of Khalid managed to capture the only bridge over the Wadi’l-Ruqqad. 57 This act effectively isolated much of the Byzantine forces between the steep and dangerous cliffs of the Wadi’l-Ruqqad and the Wadi’l-‘Allan, both west of the Wadi’l-Harir. 58 On 20 August, the battle reached its climax. Some Byzantine forces simply ceased to fight and were slaughtered without resistance by the Muslims the next day. Other Byzantine troops and horse were destroyed when they fell down the sharp slopes into the wadis while trying to escape. The outcome was the annihilation of most Byzantine forces and hot and thorough pursuit of those who managed to escape. 59

The Battle of Yarmuk, Gabrieli remarks, had, without a doubt, more important consequences than almost any other in all world history. 60 It was the most disastrous defeat ever suffered by the Eastern Roman Empire, and it spelled the end of Roman rule in Syria. 61

A short time after the victory, Abu ‘Ubaidah wrote to the caliph the following letter:

“In the name of the most merciful God, This is to acquaint thee that I encamped at Yarmuk, where Mahan was near us, with such an army as that the Muslims never beheld a greater. But God, of his abundant grace and goodness, overthrew this multitude, and gave us the victory over them. We killed of them about a hundred and fifty thousand, and took forty thousand prisoners. Of the Muslims were killed four thousand and thirty, to whom God had decreed the honour of martyrdom. Finding some heads cut off, and not knowing whether they belonged to the Mussulmans or Christians, I prayed over them and buried them. Mahan was afterwards killed at Damascus by Nooman Ebn Alkamah…. As for those that fled into the deserts and mountains, we have destroyed them all, and stopped all the roads and passages, and God has made us masters of their country, and wealth, and children. Written after the victory from Damascus, where I stay expecting thy orders concerning the division of the spoil. Fare thee well, and the mercy and blessing of God be upon thee, and all the Muslims.” 62

Caliph Omar, in a short letter, expressed his satisfaction, and gave the Muslims thanks for their perseverance and diligence; commanding Abu ‘Ubaidah to continue where he was till further orders. 63

By the autumn of 636, the Muslims had established themselves over the whole of Syria as far as the mountains of Asia Minor, but, in the south, Jerusalem and Caesarea still held. 64

As for Khalid himself, following al-Yarmuk, he recaptured Hims, and then advanced against Kinasrin, and after that defeated the Byzantine army under Minas. 65 In 638 he travelled to Medina and met with the caliph in order to clear some issues regarding rumours that he had acquired wealth through unlawful ways, and also in regard to his dismissal as governor of a part of Syria. Following the interview between the two men, Omar said to Khalid:

‘By God, Khalid, you are truly honourable man in my esteem, and you are dear to me; after today you will never have occasion to blame me for anything.’ 66

Khalid died in the year 21 H (641-2). According to Ockley, again, by no means a friend or lover of the Islamic faith:

‘He, Khalid, was the best general of his age, and it was chiefly to his courage and conduct that the Saracens owed the subduing of the rebels, the conquest of Syria, and the establishment of their religion and polity. His love and tenderness towards his own soldiers were only equaled by his hatred and aversion to the enemies of the Mohammedan religion. Of both he has given the most signal instances. To those who, having embraced the Mohammedan religion, afterwards apostatized, he was an irreconcilable and implacable foe; nor would he spare them, though they evinced the greatest signs of unfeigned repentance. For his great valour, the Arabs called him “the Sword of God;” which surname of his was known also to his enemies, and is mentioned as well by Greek as Arab authors. If at any time (which was not often) his courage carried him beyond the bounds of discretion, it always brought him off safe again. He never, in the greatest danger, lost his wonted presence of mind, but could as well extricate himself and his men from present difficulties as prevent future ones.’ 67

From Syria the Muslims swept into Egypt and thence made their triumphant way through the rest of northern Africa. 68 Playing a major role in such great conquests was the man next to Khalid in military ability and genius: ‘Amr Ibn al-‘As.

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Notes:

  1. I. R and LL. Al-Faruqi: The Cultural Atlas of Islam; Mc Millan Publishing Company New York, 1986; p. 205.
  2. Imam Abu’l Fida Ismail Ibn Khatir: The Life of the Prophet Mohammed; pp. 18-9.
  3. Lt General A.I. Akram: Khalid Ibn Al-Waleed; Maktabah; Publishers and distributors; Birmingham; England; 2004; p. 23.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Ibid.
  6. E. Gibbon: The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire; vol 5; ed.W. Smith; London, 1858.; op cit; p. 363.
  7. A. I. Akram: Khalid; op cit; p. 28.
  8. Ibid.
  9. S. Ockley: History of the Saracens; George Bell and Sons; London; 1890; p. 37.
  10. Ibid.
  11. Ibid.
  12. Ibid; p. 38.
  13. Ibid.
  14. Ibid.
  15. Introduction to Sura 33 in: M.M. Pickthall: The Meaning of the Glorious Quran; Ta ha Publishers; London; first printing 1930; p. 299.
  16. Ibid; pp. xxii-xxiii.
  17. A.I. Akram: Khalid Ibn Waleed; op cit; pp. 70-1.
  18. J. Davenport: An Apology for Mohammed and the Koran; J. Davy and Sons; London; 1869, p. 42.
  19. S. Ockley: History of the Saracens; op cit; p. 52.
  20. Ibid.
  21. J. Davenport: An Apology; op cit; 42.
  22. P.K. Hitti: History of the Arabs; Palgrave; 1937; p. 141.
  23. Ibid.
  24. I and L Al-Faruqi: The Cultural Atlas of Islam; op cit; p. 211.
  25. P.K. Hitti: History of the Arabs; op cit; p. 141.
  26. Ibid.
  27. S. Ockley: History of the Saracens; op cit; p. 88.
  28. I and L. Al-Faruqi: The Cultural Atlas of Islam; op cit; p. 211.
  29. F. Gabrieli: Muhammad and the Conquests of Islam, World University Library, London, 1968, p.119.
  30. A.I. Akram: Khalid Bin Al-Waleed; op cit; p. 211.
  31. Al-Tabari: Chronique; tr to Fr by H. Zotenberg; Paris; Imprimerie Imperiale; 1874 ff.
    -Al-Tabari: Chronique; tr by M.H. Zotenberg; New ed Rev by M. Hamade; Ed al-Bustane; Paris; 2002; p. 330.
  32. P. Sykes: A History of Persia; MacMillan and Co; London; 1921; vol 1; p. 491.
  33. Al-Tabari: Chronique (Zotenberg); op cit; p. 345.
  34. Al-Tabari: Tarikh al-Umum wal Muluk; Cairo; 1939; pp. 67-8.
  35. Al-Tabari: Chronique (Zotenberg); op cit; p. 346.
  36. Ibid; p. 349.
  37. Ibid.
  38. Alois Musil: Arabia Deserta; New York; 1927; p. 61.
  39. See map by Glubb; The Great Arab Conquests; op cit; p. 133.
  40. P.K. Hitti: History of the Arabs; op cit; p. 149.
  41. J.B. Glubb: The Great Arab Conquests; op cit; p. 134.
  42. Ibid.
  43. Ibid; 142.
  44. Ibid.
  45. Ibid.
  46. S. Ockley: History of the Saracens; op cit; p. 97.
  47. Ibid.
  48. Ibid.
  49. Ibid; pp. 97-102.
  50. J.B. Glubb: The Great Arab Conquests; op cit; p. 158.
  51. Ibid; 159.
  52. Ibid.
  53. W.E. Kaegi: Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests; Cambridge University Press; 1992; p. 112.
  54. J.B. Glubb: The Great Arab Conquests; op cit; p. 160.
  55. S. Ockley: History of the Saracens; op cit; pp. 194-203.
  56. Ibid; pp. 194-203.
  57. Location of this old Roman bridge, see Sheet 7, from maps in PEF Palestine. The approximate latitude is 39° 53’ E. and the longitude is 32° 52’ N.
  58. PEF Palestine, Sheet 7. Yaqusa is located about 12 miles southeast of the old Roman bridge over the Wadi’ Ruqqad.
  59. W.E. Kaegi: Byzantium; op cit; p. 121.
  60. F. Gabrieli: Muhammad and the Conquests of Islam, op cit, p. 150.
  61. A.N. Stratos: Byzantium in the Seventh Century; tr by H.T. Hionides; Hakkert Publisher; Amsterdam; 1972; p. 71; note 258.
  62. S. Ockley: History of the Saracens; op cit; p. 204.
  63. Ibid.
  64. P.K. Hitti: History of the Arabs; op cit; p. 153.
  65. K.V. Settersteen Khalid Ibn al-Waleed: Encyclopaedia of Islam; 1st series, vol 2, Leyden; Brill, p. 879.
  66. The History of Tabari, vol xiii, tr and annotated by G.H.A. Juynboll, State University of New York Press, 1989, p. 108.
  67. S. Ockley: History of the Saracens; op cit; p. 87.
  68. J.B. Glubb: The Great Arab, op cit, p. 181.