Salah Eddin (d.1193)

by Dr Salah Zaimeche, BMHC

‘I learn from the lips of certain persons worthy of credence,’ says Beha Eddin, ‘Salah Eddin’s biographer, who had made inquiries concerning the date of the birth of Salah Eddin, that he was born in the course of the year 532 H (1137-1138), in the citadel of Tekrit, where his father, Ayub, discharged his duties as Governor. Ayub was an honourable, generous, and good man. Circumstances afterwards obliged him to leave Tekrit and he betook himself to Mosul taking his son with him. Here he remained until his son had grown up. Ayub and his brother, Asad Eddin Shirkuh were held in high esteem by the Atabeg Zenghi (Prince of Mosul). Proceeding afterwards into Syria, Ayub obtained the government of B’albek, and dwelt for some time in that place. His son, who had accompanied him, entered upon his first service under his direction.’ 1

On Imad Eddin Zangi’s death Shirquh, Salah Eddin’s uncle, entered the service of his son, Nur Eddin, then Lord of Aleppo, who made him commander of the army, and gave him Emessa and other cities as a complement. When Nur Eddin captured Damascus he attached Ayub and Salah Eddin to his person, and the latter remained in attendance, learning much from his over-lord 2 Nur Eddin granted Salah Eddin advancement, and, as a mark of his confidence and high esteem, attached him to his service, and admitted him to the number of his friends. The higher Salah Eddin rose in degree, the more apparent there became qualities, which entitled him to a still even higher rank. This state of things continued until his uncle, Asad Eddin Shirquh, started upon the Egyptian expedition described above. 3

When Salah Eddin became the ruler in Egypt, and the Fatimid Sultanate was removed, the situation changed dramatically in the region. As Muir puts it:

‘The Franks were fast sinking into a weak and helpless state. The guardians of the throne about this time were (as Gibbon puts it) successively a leper, a child, a woman, a coward, and a traitor; while the Barons and Knights, of whatever order, instead of rallying to its defence, did little else than quarrel for the supremacy, and, indeed, were too often taken up by cupidity, jealousy, strife, and licentious lives, — unholy defenders of a Holy land! The Pullanes too (half-caste progeny of native mothers), grown up now a disreputable and disloyal race, added to the insecurity of the Franks. The wonder is that the kingdom hung so long together; which, indeed, it never would have done had there not been an unceasing flow, year by year, of Knights and Pilgrims for its defence. Things, however, were now coming to a bitter end.’ 4

Likewise, during its short existence, Gibbon explains, the kingdom of Jerusalem was supported by the discord between various Muslim rulers; and both the Fatimid caliphs and the sultans of Damascus:

‘Were tempted to sacrifice the cause of their religion to the meaner considerations of private and present advantage. But the powers of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, were now united by a hero, whom nature and fortune had armed against the Christians. All without now bore the most threatening aspect.’ 5

Salah Eddin was extremely devout. His biographer, Beha Eddin, says that as to prayer, the Sultan was always regular in his attendance at the public service (on Fridays), and he said one day that for several years he had never failed in this duty. 6 When he was ill, he used to send for the Imam alone, and forcing himself to keep on his feet, would recite the Friday prayers. He recited the usual prayers regularly, and, if he woke during the night, said a prayer. 7 If he did not wake, he used to pray before the Morning Prayer. As long as consciousness lasted, he never failed to say his prayers. I saw him, says Beha Eddin, perform this duty regularly during his last illness, and he discontinued it only during the three days in which his mind was wandering. When he was travelling, he used to get down from his horse at the appointed hours to pray. 8

Under Salah Eddin, just as under Nur Eddin Zangi, the Muslim armies were now regularly accompanied by the `ulama’ who read them and preached to them. 9 The call for Jihad was extremely powerful in uniting the Muslims at war as in peace. 10 Jihad was also an expression of the yearning for Jerusalem, especially as the Muslims had to suffer the pain and humiliation of seeing it in Christian hands with mosques and Muslim shrines turned into churches or secular buildings, 11 often sullied with pigs and excrement. Salah Eddin had himself, during a serious illness, pledged that he would devote himself to recovering Jerusalem whatever the cost, an illness, which according to his biographer, was sent by God to Salah Eddin ‘to wake him from the sleep of forgetfulness.’ 12

The road to Jerusalem passed by the Battle of Hattin. This battle came as a result of the crusader chief, Raynald (Reginald) of Chatillon’s, attack on a Muslim caravan. 13 Raynald of Chatillon had broken the truce that had been made with Salah Eddin, and broken it in defiance of all laws of honour and prudence. ‘The Saracens always respected their truces,’ says Hutton. 14 Salah Eddin was already incensed by Raynald who had on previous occasions committed terrible deeds against Islam. On those occasions, Salah Eddin had signed a truce with the Crusaders, and returned to Egypt. He was, however, shortly after recalled to seek retribution for an attack on the sacred sites of Islam by Raynald. The later, having fitted out a fleet at Ayla, devastated the coasts of Makkah and Medina. 15 He was driven off with great loss, and a great number of his followers were taken captive, some of whom were sacrificed at the shrine of Mina. 16

This time, Raynald had plundered the suite of Saladin’s own sister, as, relying on Christian honour, she was travelling through his land, and refused to restore his stolen goods. The Latin kingdom needed but a dishonest deed like that to finish its power, adds Hutton. 17

This end began with the battle of Hattin. This battle was fought on the 4th of July 1187. In the battle, the Muslims registered a great victory. 18

This is one of the abridged countless narrations of this battle by Western authors: 19

In the early part of the month of June 1187, Salah Eddin, at the head of eighty thousand men, advanced towards Tiberias. Soon bad news came. The castle in which one of the leading crusaders, Raymond of Tripoli’s wife dwelt, was besieged by Salah Eddin. A crusader council was hurriedly called to deliberate on the best course of action to take. When it was Raymond’s turn to speak, he advised against attacking Salah Eddin there. All the barons accepted his wisdom except some. The king, Guy, had retired to rest that night, when the grand master of the Templars awoke him, and urged him to depart for Tiberias. He said it would be an everlasting reproach to the Latin’s if they allowed the ‘Infidels’ to destroy Tiberias without making the slightest effort to assist it. King Guy was too weak to resist, and he gave orders to march, the ‘True Cross’ being borne before the army.

It was on the morning of July 3, 1187, that this ill-fated expedition set out. At the front rode Count Raymond at the head of his troops; the left body was led by several of the barons and lords of the Holy Land; a few chosen knights guarded the ‘True Cross’ in the centre of the army, followed by the king and his suite, while the Templars and Knights Hospitallers brought up the van. When Salah Eddin heard from his spies of the departure of the Christian army from Sephoria, he was overjoyed; for he then felt that he should meet them disabled and overcome with heat and fatigue.

The crusader chiefs sought to hasten on, in hopes of reaching the shores of the Sea of Galilee. While within view of that placid lake, they found themselves on rocky hills, surrounded by Muslim squadrons, who would not fight, but harassed them by setting fire to the low underwood around them, and the smoke and heat added greatly to their sufferings.

The Muslims at last attacked the Templars and Hospitallers, who were to the rear, who fought valiantly, and sent to implore King Guy to send the infantry to their aid; but night was coming on, the troops refused to stir, and threw away their arms.

In despair Guy gave orders to encamp there, but he exclaimed, ‘Alas! all is lost; we are all as good as dead men, and the Holy Land must be given up.’

All night long the Muslim archers harassed the unhappy Crusaders, and at daybreak Salah Eddin advanced at the head of all his army to attack them. Then ensued a scene of flight and cowardice, the infantry scrambling up the hill to escape, if possible, from the Muslims, who poured down on them in overwhelming numbers. When the Count of Tripoli saw the hopeless nature of the conflict, he rushed at the head of his knights down the hill. The Muslim troops opened to let them pass; and in that way he, Balian of Ibelin, and other nobles, escaped to Tyre. The infantry were surrounded by the Muslims, and slain or made prisoners, while the king and the Templars rallied round the ‘True Cross.’ The king threw himself in front of it, the Templars did the same.

After a terrible fight, the battle was over. The king, his brothers, and several of his knights surrendered to Salah Eddin, preferring captivity to death. Saladin’s triumph was complete; the field of battle was strewn with Christian banners, torn into rags, near the bodies of many a valiant knight who had died in defending his standard; and body after body lay there. The carnage was so great that one wonders any prisoners had been taken; but so many captives had been made, that the ropes of the tents were insufficient to tie them all, nor were there sentinels enough to guard the prisoners. They were all sold as slaves; but went, says an Arab writer, ‘for so little money, that a Christian knight was often given in exchange for a pair of shoes.’ Salah Eddin received the captive king in his own tent, surrounded by his principal emirs and generals. He received Guy very kindly, and offered him some sherbet; but when the king, after having drunk, would have passed the cup to Raynald de Chatillon, Salah Eddin stopped him, gravely saying, ‘No traitor shall drink in my presence.’ At a given signal the Muslim soldiers fell on him, and his head soon rolled at the Sultan’s feet. 20

In the wake of the crusaders’ disaster, only 200 of the knights and foot-soldiers escaped together with the Count of Tripoli, the Lord Bailan, and Reynald of Sidon. 21 It is estimated that the crusaders suffered the loss of 30,000 men. 22 At the Horns of Hattin, Runciman concludes, the greatest army that the crusaders had ever assembled was annihilated, and the victor was now the ruler of the united Muslim world. 23

The castle of Tiberias surrendered the following day after Hattin; Acre opened its gates within five days of the victory; three weeks later the strong castle of Toron in Upper Galilee surrendered. 24The Muslims took Jaffa and Mejdel Yaba, whilst Haifa, Caesarea and Arsuf, Nazareth, Sebastieh and Nablus submitted to Muslim detachments sent against them. 25 By the end of the Summer of 1187, only Tyre, Tripoli and Antioch were remaining seaports in Christian hands. 26

On 2 October 1187, after a short siege, Jerusalem surrendered to the Muslims; that was nearly a century after it was first taken from them. 27 No massacre or violence were perpetrated, the entry of Salah Eddin more ‘(peaceful) like that of Omar rather than (murderous) like that of Godfrey.’ 28 When Salah Eddin took possession of Jerusalem, he was both merciful and generous. He placed a small armed band in every street, to guard over the lives of the Christians; and those who were too poor to pay a large ransom, and not of consequence enough to be redeemed by public funds, he allowed to leave without. Salah Eddin’s brother, touched with the misery he witnessed, ransomed himself as many as two thousand captives, and Salah Eddin followed his example by allowing several poor orphans to regain their freedom without paying for it. 29

When the day came on which the Christian population were to quit Jerusalem, a long procession passed through David’s Gate, before Salah Eddin, who was seated on a throne to witness their departure.

‘The hapless Christians,’ says Hutton, ‘shed bitter tears, as they wished each holy site a long farewell; and deplored their want of union, and crimes by which they had been lost.’ 30

First came Queen Sibylla and the few barons who had remained with her. A small escort had been provided, by Salah Eddin’s kindness, to watch over the queen’s safety, till she should enter Christian territory, as she intended going by Tyre, which still belonged to the Latins. Then followed the Patriarch and the clergy, carrying a few vases belonging to the Church, that Salah Eddin allowed them to take; and then a weeping troop of women and children. When they saw how mild Salah Eddin looked, they took courage. They stopped before him, and implored his mercy.

‘Look at us,’ cried they; ‘we have left our husbands behind us in slavery, because we are too poor to pay twenty Byzants for each man. It is hard enough to give up our native country, but to go alone is worse than death.’ ‘The noble Saladin immediately released their husbands and brothers; and finding that the Knights of St. John were most attentive to the poor and sick, he allowed ten of the brethren to remain in their hospital.’ 31

After Jerusalem had been delivered from the presence of the strangers, the sultan made his triumphant entry, his banners waving in the wind and to the harmony of martial music. 32 The great mosque of Omar, which had been converted into a church, was again consecrated to one God and his Prophet Mohammed; the walls and pavement were purified with rose water; and a pulpit, the work of Nur Eddin, was erected in the sanctuary. 33

The loss of Jerusalem after having been a Christian capital for nearly a century, the slaughter of Knights, and the loss of Syria, fell like a thunderbolt on Europe.

‘The Pope,’ (Urban III,) says Muir, ‘fulminated his Bulls afresh, and (forgetful of the past) reiterated the promise of Divine aid and victory.’ 34

He also imposed fresh burdens on the people, of which “Saladin’s tenth” ‘survived a welcome remnant for the treasury of Rome, also remarks Muir. 35

The cry resounded through Europe, and though at first there was much dissatisfaction, especially at the faithlessness of the Pullanes, multitudes at last assembled, and carrying, like their predecessors, cruelty and rapine in their front, set out upon the Crusade. 36 Many went by sea; the rest, by land. This crusade, ‘the third,’ brought three large armies led by the principal rulers of Europe: Richard Coeur de Lion of England, Philip August of France, and the German Emperor, Frederick of Hohenstaufen. Before it even reached its destination, the army of Frederick which came overland was decimated nearly entirely by the Turks in Asia Minor, and Frederick himself drowned in a river. 37 Richard and Philip came by sea in the year 1191, Richard capturing for himself Cyprus on his way. 38

Acre, a coastal town, was in Muslim hands, and was the focus of attack by the incoming crusaders. When he heard the news that the emperor of Germany, the king of France and the king of England and all the high barons overseas were coming against him, Salah Eddin had Acre strongly garrisoned and fortified in every way necessary, pledging to support the town in case of Christian attack. 39 Acre was soon besieged by land and sea by huge Christian armies. Salah Eddin inflicted severe loss upon them; but they were too many for him. The siege was prosecuted with vigour. There is also, Muir remarks, the same sad tale throughout the army of mingled fanaticism and sin, of masses and prayers, hand in hand with vice and riot. 40 The Muslim garrison resisted fiercely aware that Salah Eddin’s army was in the field helping them. Salah Eddin made repeated attempts to relieve the city, seeking to draw out the Christians in his direction. 41 Although he inflicted great losses on his foes, he failed in his main aim to relieve the city. After two years, in 1191, the Muslim garrison, in the last extremity of want, surrendered upon favourable terms. These were faithfully carried out by Salah Eddin who forthwith set all the Christian captives free, while Richard put the Muslim garrison to death. 42 3000 Muslims, almost in the Sultan’s view, were beheaded by the command ‘of the sanguinary Richard.’ 43 By this act he was sending a signal to Salah Eddin to meet his terms in paying the prisoners’ ransom. 44

Acre remained one of the rare exploits of the third crusade, which eventually failed in its aim to recapture Jerusalem. 45 By the conquest of Acre, the Latin powers acquired a strong town and a convenient harbour; but the advantage was most dearly purchased. Reports say that the numbers of crusaders, at different periods, amounted to 500,000 or 600,000; that more than 100,000 Christians were slain; that a far greater number was lost by disease or shipwreck; and that a small portion of this mighty host could return in safety to their native countries. 46

The conflict between Salah Eddin and Richard went on for a couple of years, with the fortunes of war ebbing one side or the other. Salah Eddin captured Ascalon, and in order to safeguard Egypt, razed it to the ground. 47 In 1193, Richard, who had failed in his aim to recapture Jerusalem, sought peace talks, and a three years’ truce was concluded between the contending parties. 48 Soon after, Saladin died.

Salah Eddin died in 1193 after a short illness. About him Gibbon says:
‘The garment of Saladin was of coarse woolen; water was his only drink; and while he emulated the temperance, he surpassed the chastity, of his Arabian prophet Both in faith and practice he was a rigid Mussulman; he ever deplored that the defence of religion had not allowed him to accomplish the pilgrimage of Mecca; but at the stated hours, five times each day, the sultan devoutly prayed with his brethren: the involuntary omission of fasting was scrupulously repaid; and his perusal of the Koran on horseback between the approaching armies, may be quoted as a proof, however ostentatious, of piety and courage… The justice of his divan was accessible to the meanest suppliants against himself or his ministers; and it was only for a kingdom that Saladin would deviate from the rule of equity.

While the descendants of Seljuk and Zangi held his stirrup and smoothed his garments, he was affable and patient with the meanest of his servants. So boundless was his liberality, that he distributed 12,000 horses at the siege of Acre; and, at the time of his death, no more than forty-seven drachms of silver, and one piece of gold coin were found in the treasury; yet in a martial reign, the tributes were diminished, and the wealthy citizens enjoyed without fear or danger, the fruits of their industry. Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, were adorned by the royal foundations of hospitals, colleges, and mosques, and Cairo was fortified with a wall and citadel; but his works were consecrated to public use, nor did the sultan indulge himself in a garden or palace.. In a fanatic age, the genuine virtues of Saladin commanded the esteem of the Christians: the emperor of Germany gloried in his friendship; the Greek emperor solicited his alliance; and the conquest of Jerusalem diffused, and perhaps magnified, his fame both in the East and West.’ 49

Another trait of Salah Eddin’s character is given by Beha Eddin:

‘His heart was humble, and full of compassion: tears came readily into his eyes. When he was listening to the reading of the Qur’an, his heart melted, and tears generally flowed down his cheeks. He was very fond of listening to the recital of traditions when the narrator could trace each tradition that he related to its source, and when he was learned in such lore. If one of the doctors visited the court, he received him personally, and made those of his sons who happened to be present as well as the Mamluks on duty, listen to the traditions recited. He would order all those who were present to be seated during the narration, as a sign of respect. If any of the doctors of tradition lore were such characters as do not frequent the gates of Sultans, and are unwilling to present themselves in such places, Salah Eddin would go himself to seek them out and listen to them.

He showed the greatest zeal in his observance of the precepts of religion, openly maintaining his belief in the resurrection of the bodies of the just in Paradise, and of the wicked in Hell. He believed steadfastly in all the teaching of the Divine Law, accepting its doctrines with an open heart. He detested philosophers, heretics, materialists, and all adversaries of orthodox (Sunni) religion.’ 50

Soon, though, after the death of Salah Eddin, the Muslim world returned to its usual divisions and civil wars. It was precisely at this dramatic juncture that a new foe coming from the East, the Mongols, descended on the Muslim world to join force with the crusaders.

From Salah Eddin to the Rise of Baybars

Just before he died, Salah Eddin crowned his life achievements with the common error of passing on the leadership of the Muslim world to his heirs. Just before he expired, he had his officers and high officials swear allegiance to his children and his successors. 51 To each child he assigned a certain portion of the Muslim land. 52 His sons, Al-Afdal, Al-Aziz, and Ez-Zahir, became lords of Damascus, Egypt, and Aleppo. His brother, Al-Adel, ruled at Kerak, and his great-nephews, Shirkuh and Al-Mansur, at Emesa and Hamah.

But this arrangement did not long subsist, and the result was nearly fatal to the Muslim world as Salah Eddin’s heirs began the murderous fratricidal war. 53 The Ayyubid princes spent their energies fighting each other and capturing territory from each other rather than fighting the Franks. 54 The Ayyubids, unlike Nur Eddin and Salah Eddin, were not interested in Jihad either, rather, their policies allowed the continued survival of the Crusaders states. 55

Early in the 13th century, in 1204 a new crusade was launched. It occurred whilst the Ayyubids were fighting each other, and the land was stricken with chaos and mal-administration. Fortunately for the Muslim world this crusade was diverted against the Byzantines. 56

In the year 1212, there took place the Children’s crusade, which Muir explains, ‘ruined disastrously the lives and virtue of thousands of girls and boys. ‘ 57Some 30,000 were seized on their voyage to Egypt, and there sold as slaves; ‘sad illustration of the fanatical darkness in which the Crusading spirit had shrouded Europe, and its melancholy results,’ he adds. 58

At the Lateran Council, which met in November, 1215, and had been summoned over two years previously, through Pope Innocent’s influence the project of a new Crusade was adopted, and preached with vigour. The main leaders who took the Cross were Andrew, King of Hungary; Leopold, Duke of Austria; William, Count of Holland; and the English Earl, Ranulf of Chester. 59 This invasion of Egypt was prompted by the fresh realisation that the centre of Islamic power had shifted from Syria to Egypt. 60 Salah Eddin’s brother, al-Adil, was still sultan of Egypt when this Fifth Crusade began to arrive in 1218 on the Nile Delta. 61 Damietta was well fortified with towers and walls, and protected by the river and a moat. 62 With the spring, however, the Crusaders renewed their efforts; by crossing the river on February 5th, they secured a better position for the attack, and then prepared their engines for an assault, and eventually took Damieta. In the meantime Al-Adel had been succeeded by his son, Al-Kamil. The new Sultan was in such despair following the crusaders’ success that he meditated a retreat to Yemen. 63 In the end, seized by panic, and seeking to protect his kingdom, Al-Kamil offered to exchange Damietta for Jerusalem, the original objective of the Crusade, and made other offers as well. 64 The pope’s legate, Pelagius, had, however, set his heart on capturing Cairo, and refused the deal. 65 In August 1221, the crusader advance was blocked, and their ships cut off from reaching them, many being captured or sunk. 66 The crusaders decided to retreat back to Damietta at night. By the morning, however, their main body on the shore was cut off from the river and from the ships which carried most of the provisions. 67 Then, to make matters worse for them, the season of the annual rise of the Nile had come, and the Egyptian population cut the dykes, thus threatening to drown the crusaders. 68 Hard pressed the crusaders sent envoys to al-Kamil, who thought it best not to press his advantage unduly, and offered them generous terms instead of finishing them off in view of their precarious situation. 69 Reduced to terrible straits, it was only by the clemency of the Sultan that they were not utterly destroyed, but were allowed to return unmolested to Syria. 70

‘So ended the grand scheme of the Papal Court,’ says Muir, ‘all chance of success being lost by the ambition and perversity of Pelagius; while the forbearance of the Sultan, who granted an eight years’ truce, has been justly lauded on every hand.’ 71

In 1228 Frederick II of Sicily went on the crusades, officially known as the sixth, although many more than six had already taken place. 72 When Frederick arrived in Palestine, still fearful for his realm, and hardly concerned with jihad, nor any other consideration of the sort, the Ayyubid Sultan, al-Kamil, concluded a treaty with Frederick, which in the words of Muslim chroniclers was a supplication on the part of the Muslim ruler. 73 In such a treaty, al-Kamil surrendered the whole of Jerusalem, except the Mosque of Omar, the keys of which were to stay with the Muslims, but Christians under certain circumstances could enter it for prayer; and the treaty further restored Bethlehem, Jaffa and Nazareth to the Crusaders. 74

Al-Kamil was not the only Ayyubid who sold out Jerusalem and other territories for the sake of his own realm. 75

Weak Ayyubid rule was soon compounded by the greatest threat now facing the Islamic realm: the Mongols’ invasion, under Genghis Khan, which was taking place at the same time. This devastating invasion caused immense destruction and devastation. According to Bulliet and Petrushvskii, 747,000 Muslims were slaughtered at Nishapur and 1.6 million at Herat. 76 In Merw, The Mongols butchered 700,000 persons, 77 only eighty craftsmen were spared. The total slaughter there is in fact put by Browne at 1.3 million. 78 Ibn al-Athir, who was living through those events, wrote:

‘The report comprises the story of a… terrible, gigantic disaster such as had never happened before… It may well be that the world from now until its end… will not experience the like of it again…’ 79

Whilst the Mongols were unleashing death and destruction in the eastern realm, further west, Muslim armies, under Ayyubid rule, as had now become customary, were busy fighting each other. 80 Ayyubid rulers also allied themselves to the crusaders against other Muslims, the Mamluks and their Khwarizmian Turkish allies, in particular. 81 This was the case when in 1244 there was formed an alliance of crusaders and the Ayyubid sultans of Damascus and Hims against the Turks and their Egyptian allies at the Battle of Gaza in October 1244. 82 The Battle of 1244 was furiously waged, and thirty thousand crusaders and their Muslim allies were killed; only the patriarch and the Prince of Tyre escaped with thirty-three Templars, twenty six Hospitallers, and three Teutonic Knights. 83 In this battle there was noted the presence of a young Emir with the name of Baybars.

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  1. Beha Eddin: The Life of Saladin, Published by the Palestine Exploration Committee Fund; London; 1897; p. 4.
  2. Publisher’s Introduction to Beha Eddin: The Life of Saladin, p. introduction xvi.
  3. Beha Eddin: The Life of Saladin, p. 5.
  4. W. Muir: The Mamluke; op cit; p. xxii.
  5. E. Gibbon: The Crusades; Alex Murray and Son; London; 1869; p. 64.
  6. Beha Eddin: The Life of Saladin, op cit; p. 6.
  7. Ibid.
  8. Ibid.
  9. C. Hillenbrand: The Crusades, op cit; p.191.
  10. W.M. Watt: Muslim Christian Encounters; op cit; p.81.
  11. C. Hillenbrand: The Crusades, op cit; p. 150.
  12. Abu Shama: Kitab al-rawdatayn; ed. M.H. M. Ahmad; 2 vols; Cairo; 1954.; II; p. 65.
  13. W. Durant: The Age of Faith, op. cit; p.597.
  14. B. Hutton: Heroes of the Crusades, London; 1869. 309.
  15. W. Muir: The Mamluke; op cit; p. xxiv.
  16. Ibid.
  17. B. Hutton: Heroes of the Crusades, London; 1869. 309.
  18. See: S. Runciman: A History; op cit; vol ii; pp. 456-60; and appendix pp. 486-91 for details on the battle, although Runciman, understandably stresses the Crusader valiant fighting.
  19. B. Hutton: Heroes; op cit; pp. 310-16.
  20. Ibid.
  21. P.W. Edbury: The Conquest of Jerusalem and the Third Crusade, Scolar Press, 1996; p.161.
  22. E. Gibbon: The Crusades; Alex Murray and Son; London; 1869; p. 64.
  23. S. Runciman: A History; op cit; vol ii; p. 460.
  24. C.R. Conder: The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem; The Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund; London; 1897; p. 154-5.
  25. P.W. Edbury: The Conquest; op cit; p.161; C.R. Conder: The Latin; op cit; pp 154-5.
  26. A.S .Atiya: Crusade, Commerce and Culture; Oxford University Press; London; 1962; p. 80.
  27. W. Durant: The Age of Faith, op cit; p. 598.
  28. C.R. Conder: The Latin Kingdom; op cit; p. 156.7.
  29. B. Hutton: Heroes of the Crusades, op cit; p. 319.
  30. Ibid.
  31. Ibid; p. 320.
  32. E. Gibbon: The Crusades; Alex Murray and Son; London; 1869; pp.65-6.
  33. Ibid.
  34. W. Muir: The Mamluke; op cit; p. xxv.
  35. Ibid.
  36. Ibid; p. xxv.
  37. R.C.H. Davis: A History; op cit; vol 2; p. 280.
  38. J. Glubb: A Short History; op cit; p. 178.
  39. P.W. Edbury: The Conquest; op cit; p. 76.
  40. W. Muir: The Mamluke; op cit; p. xxv.
  41. P.W. Edbury: The Conquest; op cit; p. 95.
  42. W. Muir: The Mamluke; op cit; p. xxv.
  43. E. Gibbon: The Crusades; op cit; p. 68.
  44. W. Durant: The Age of Faith; op cit; p. 599.
  45. W.B. Stevenson: The Crusades; op cit; pp. 273 ff.
  46. E. Gibbon: The Crusades; op cit; p. 68.
  47. W. Muir: The Mamluke; op cit; p. xxvi.
  48. Ibid.
  49. E. Gibbon: The Crusades; op cit; pp.62-3.
  50. Beha Eddin: The Life of Saladin, op cit; pp. 10-11.
  51. R.S. Humphreys: From Saladin to the Mongols; State University of New York Press Albany; 1977; p.57.
  52. Ibn Wasil: Mufarrij al-Kurub fi Akhbar bani Ayyub; Ed. G. Shayyal, S.Ashur, and H. Rabi’; 4 vols; Cairo; II; 172-3.
  53. J.H. Lamonte: Crusade and Jihad: op cit; pp. 159-98; at p.183.
  54. R.S. Humphreys: Legitimacy and instability in Islam, in the Jihad and its times, ed. Dajani Shakeel and R.A. Messier, Ann Arbor, 1991; pp. 10-11.
  55. R.S. Humphreys: Legitimacy and instability in Islam, op cit, 10-11.
  56. T.A. Archer: The Crusades; T. Fisher Unwin; London; 1894; p. 371.
  57. W. Muir: The Mamluke; op cit; p. xxvii.
  58. W. Muir: The Mamluke; op cit; p. xxvii.
  59. T.A. Archer: The Crusades; T. Fisher Unwin; London; 1894; p. 374.
  60. P.K. Hitti: History; op cit; pp. 653-4.
  61. W.B. Stevenson: The Crusaders; op cit; p. 304.
  62. T.A. Archer: The Crusades; op cit; p. 376.
  63. Ibid.
  64. J. Glubb: A Short History; op cit; p.185.
  65. Ibid.
  66. W.B. Stevenson: The Crusades in the East; op cit; 306.
  67. Ibid.
  68. J. Glubb: A Short History; op cit; p.185.
  69. Ibn Wasil: Mufarrij al-Kurub fi Akhbar bani Ayyub; text Ms Paris Ar. 1702; p. 209. There is also a three volume edition of the work by al-Shayyal; Cairo 1954-62.
  70. W. Muir: The Mamluke; op cit; p. xxvii.
  71. Ibid.
  72. T.A. Archer: The Crusades; op cit; p. 379.
  73. See Ibn al-Athir: Kamil; op cit; vol xii; p. 315.G.W. Cox: The Crusades; op cit; p. 189.
  74. G.W. Cox: The Crusades; op cit; p. 189.
  75. Ibid; Sibt ibn al Jawzi; p. 601.
  76. R.W. Bulliet: The Patricians of Nishapur; A Study of Islamic Medieval Social History; Cambridge; mass; 1972; pp. 9-10; I.P. Petrushvskii: The Socio economic Conditions of Iran under the Il-Khans; In Cambridge History of Iran; v; Cambridge; 1968; pp. 483-537; p. 485.
  77. Ibn al-Athir; in J. J. Saunders: The History; op cit; p. 60.
  78. E.G. Browne: Literary History of Persia; Cambridge University Press; 1929; 3 Vols; Vol 2; p. 439.
  79. Ibn al-Athir: Kamil; op cit; xii; pp. 233-4.
  80. J. Glubb: A Short History; op cit; p.201.
  81. G.W. Cox: The Crusades; op cit; p. 195.
  82. Sibt al-Jawzi; Al-Muntazam;VIII/2; op cit; pp.746-7.
  83. C.R. Conder: The Latin Kingdom; op cit; p. 318.